Fact Check: Are Uyghurs Sunni or Shia?

Published May 7, 2025

•by TruthOrFake

✓

VERDICT

True

# Are Uyghurs Sunni or Shia? The question of whether Uyghurs are predominantly Sunni or Shia Muslims has gained attention due to the ongoing discussi...

Are Uyghurs Sunni or Shia?

The question of whether Uyghurs are predominantly Sunni or Shia Muslims has gained attention due to the ongoing discussions surrounding the Uyghur population in China, particularly in the context of religious freedom and cultural identity. The claim suggests a need to clarify the religious affiliation of the Uyghur people, who are a Turkic ethnic group primarily residing in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China.

What We Know

Predominantly Sunni: The majority of Uyghurs identify as Sunni Muslims. According to the United States Department of State, Uyghurs are overwhelmingly Sunni Muslim, which aligns with various reports and studies on the subject 3 8.
Cultural and Religious Practices: The Uyghur community practices Islam with influences from Sufism, a mystical branch of Islam that emphasizes personal experience of God. This is noted in several sources, including a detailed overview of Uyghur culture and religion 9 10.
Minority Shia Influence: While the predominant belief among Uyghurs is Sunni Islam, there are mentions of other Islamic sects present in the region. For instance, the Äynu people, a related ethnic group, are noted to have some followers of Shia Islam, although they are not classified as Uyghurs 4.
Religious Freedom Issues: The Uyghur population has faced significant restrictions on their religious practices, particularly under the Chinese government's policies aimed at controlling religious expression. These policies have led to international scrutiny regarding human rights violations 2.

Analysis

The claim regarding the religious affiliation of Uyghurs as predominantly Sunni is supported by multiple credible sources, including government reports and academic studies. The United States Department of State's report on international religious freedom provides a reliable account of the Uyghur population's religious identity, as it is based on observations and reports from the region 3.

However, it is important to consider the potential biases in these sources. For instance, government reports may reflect political agendas, particularly in the context of international relations and human rights advocacy. The Pew Research Center's findings also support the Sunni majority claim but should be evaluated within the broader context of their research methodology and potential biases in framing religious demographics 8.

In contrast, sources like Wikipedia and various educational platforms provide a more generalized overview but may lack the depth and specificity required for rigorous academic analysis. Wikipedia, while a useful starting point, is often subject to edits that may not always reflect the most current or comprehensive information 1 4.

Furthermore, the mention of the Äynu people introduces complexity to the discussion, as it highlights the diversity within the broader category of Muslim groups in China. This suggests that while the Uyghurs are predominantly Sunni, there are nuances and variations within the region's religious landscape that merit further exploration 4.

Conclusion

Verdict: True

The evidence indicates that the Uyghurs are predominantly Sunni Muslims, as supported by multiple credible sources, including the United States Department of State and various academic studies. These sources consistently report that the overwhelming majority of Uyghurs identify with Sunni Islam, which is further reinforced by cultural practices that align with Sunni traditions.

However, it is essential to recognize the nuances within this conclusion. While the Sunni majority is clear, there are minority influences, such as those from the Äynu people, who may practice Shia Islam. This highlights the diversity within the broader Islamic community in the region.

Moreover, the potential biases in the sources, particularly those from government reports, should be acknowledged. These biases may stem from political contexts that influence how religious demographics are presented. Therefore, while the claim is substantiated, it is crucial to approach the information with a critical mindset and consider the broader implications of religious identity in the context of ongoing human rights issues faced by the Uyghur population.

Readers are encouraged to critically evaluate the information presented and consider the complexities surrounding religious affiliations and cultural identities.

Sources

Uyghurs - Wikipedia. Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uyghurs
Uyghurs - China Primer - CRS Reports. Retrieved from https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IF/IF10281
Xinjiang - United States Department of State. Retrieved from https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-report-on-international-religious-freedom/china/xinjiang/
Muslim groups in China. Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muslim_groups_in_China
Uyghur | History, Language, China, & Muslims | Britannica. Retrieved from https://www.britannica.com/topic/Uyghur
Key Differences Between Shia and Sunni Muslims - Learn Religions. Retrieved from https://www.learnreligions.com/difference-between-shia-and-sunni-muslims-2003755
Who Are the Uyghur Muslims in China? - Learn Religions. Retrieved from https://www.learnreligions.com/who-are-the-uyghur-muslims-in-china-2004483
Islam in China - Pew Research Center. Retrieved from https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2023/08/30/islam/
Who Are Uyghurs? | Uyghurs History, Religion, Language - The Tarim Network. Retrieved from https://www.thetarimnetwork.com/who-are-uyghurs
Uyghurs and Their History, Language and Religion - Facts and Details. Retrieved from https://factsanddetails.com/china/cat5/sub89/item162.html

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Detailed fact-check analysis of: By quarterbacking Israel’s attack on Iran, Trump brought an end to a particularly demoralizing era in U.S. history The main reason Israel’s massive attack on Iranian leadership, nuclear facilities, and other targets came as a surprise is that no one believes American presidents when they talk about protecting Americans and advancing our interests—especially when they’re talking about the Islamic Republic of Iran. Ever since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, U.S. presidents have wanted an accommodation with Iran—not revenge for holding 52 Americans captive for 444 days, but comity. Ronald Reagan told Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev to tear down the Berlin Wall, but when the Iranians’ Lebanese ally Hezbollah killed 17 Americans at the U.S. embassy in Beirut and 241 at the Marine barracks in 1983, he flinched. Bill Clinton wanted a deal with Iran so badly, he helped hide the Iranians’ sponsorship of the group that killed 19 airmen at Khobar Towers in 1996. George W. Bush turned a blind eye to Tehran’s depredations as Shia militias backed by Iran killed hundreds of U.S. troops in Iraq, while Iran’s Syrian ally Bashar al-Assad chartered buses to transport Sunni fighters from the Damascus airport to the Iraqi border, where they joined the hunt for Americans. Barack Obama’s signature foreign policy initiative was the Iran nuclear deal—designed not, as he promised, to stop Tehran’s nuclear weapons program, but to legalize it and protect it under the umbrella of an international agreement, backed by the United States. That all changed with Donald Trump. At last, an American president kept his word. He was very clear about it even before his second term started: Iran can’t have a bomb. Trump wanted it to go peacefully, but he warned that if the Iranians didn’t agree to dismantle their program entirely, they’d be bombed. Maybe Israel would do it, maybe the United States, maybe both, but in any case, they’d be bombed. 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Did Iran lobbyist Trita Parsi tell officials in Tehran that his colleagues from the Quincy Institute and other Koch-funded policy experts who were working in the administration had it in the bag? Don’t worry about the neocons—my guys are steering things in a good way. It seems that, like the Iranians, the Koch network got caught in its own echo chamber. Will Rising Lion really split MAGA, as some MAGA influencers are warning? Polls say no. According to a recent Rasmussen poll, 84 percent of likely voters believe Iran cannot have a bomb. Only 9 percent disagree. More Americans think it’s OK for men to play in women’s sports, 21 percent, than those who think Iran should have a bomb. According to the Rasmussen poll, 57 percent favor military action to stop Iran from getting nukes—which means there are Kamala Harris voters, 50 percent of them, along with 73 percent of Trump’s base, who are fine with bombing Iran to stop the mullahs’ nuclear weapons program. A Harvard/Harris poll shows 60 percent support for Israel “to take out Iran’s nuclear weapons program,” with 78 percent support among Republicans. Who thinks it’s reasonable for Iran to have a bomb? In a lengthy X post attacking Mark Levin and others who think an Iranian bomb is bad for America, Tucker Carlson made the case for the Iranian bomb. Iran, he wrote, “knows it’s unwise to give up its weapons program entirely. Muammar Gaddafi tried that and wound up sodomized with a bayonet. As soon as Gaddafi disarmed, NATO killed him. Iran’s leaders saw that happen. They learned the obvious lesson.” The Iranians definitely want a bomb to defend themselves against the United States—NATO, if you prefer—but that’s hardly America First. The threat that an Iranian bomb poses to the United States isn’t really that the Iranians will launch missiles at U.S. cities—not yet, anyway—but that it gives the regime a nuclear shield. It’s bad for America if a nuclear Iran closes down the Straits of Hormuz to set the price for global energy markets. It’s bad for America if a nuclear Iran wages terror attacks on American soil, as it has plotted to kill Trump. An Iranian bomb forces American policymakers, including Trump, to reconfigure policies and priorities to suit the interests of a terror state. It’s fair to argue that your country shouldn’t attack Iran to prevent it from getting a bomb, but reasoning that a terror state that has been killing Americans for nearly half a century needs the bomb to protect itself from the country you live in is nuts. Maybe some Trump supporters are angry and confused because Trump was advertised as the peace candidate. But “no new wars” is a slogan, not a policy. The purpose of U.S. policy is to advance America’s peace and prosperity, and Trump was chosen to change the course of American leadership habituated to confusing U.S. interests with everyone else’s. 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Jun 15, 2025